Friday, January 17, 2014

Chomsky. Preface. NecessaryIllusionsThoughtControlInDemocraticSociety1989.

  Thefivechapters that folllow are modified versions of thefive1988Masseylectures I delivered overCBCradio in nov.1988. These lectures suggest certain conclusions about the functioning of themostadvanced democraticsystems of the modern era, and particularly, about the ways in which thought and understanding are shaped in the interests of domestic privilege. Following these fivechapters are appendices that are intended to serve, in effect, as extended footnotes amplifying some of the points raised, separated from the text so as not to obscure toomuch the continuity of the discussion. There is an appendix, divided into sections, for each chapter. Each section is identified by the part of the text to which it serves as an addendum. These appendices should be regarded merely as a sample. As references indicate, some of the topics touched upon in the text and appendices are explored in further detail elsewhere. Many of them merit serious searchprojects.
  The issues that arises are rooted in the nature of western industrialsocieties and have been debated since their origins. In capitalistDemocracies, there is a certain tension with regard to the locus of power. In aDemocracy the people rule, in principle. But decisionmakingpower over central areas of life resides in private hands, with largescale effects throughout the social order. Oneway to resolve the tension would be to extend the democraticsystem to investment, the organisation to work, and so on. That would constitute a major social revolution, which in my view at least, would consummate the political revolutions of an earlier era and realise some of the libertarian principles on which they were partly based. On the tension could be resolved, and sometimes is, by forcefullyeliminating public interference with State and private power. In the advanced industrial societies the problem is typicallyapproached by a variety of measures to deprive democratic political structures of substantive content, while leaving them formallyintact. A large part of this task is assumed by ideological institutions that channel thought and attitudes within acceptable boundes, deflecting any potential challenge to established privilege and authority before it can take form and gather strength. The enterprise has many facets and agents. I will be primarilyconcenred with oneaspect: thoughtcontrol, as conducted through the agency of the nationalMedia and related elements of the elite intellectualculture.
  There is, in my opinion, much toolittle inquiry into these matters. My personal feeling is that citizens of the democratic societies should undertake a course of intellectual selfdefense to protect themselves from manipulation and control, and to lay the basis for moremeaningfulDemocracy. It is this concern that motivates the material that follows, and much of the work cited in the course of the discussion.

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